in Media Global Watch Bulletins
May 11, 1999
Truth in Media Global Watch
Bulletins on NATO's War on Serbia
Issue S99-73, Day 49, Update 1
FROM PHOENIX, ARIZONA Topic: BALKAN AFFAIRS
May 11, 1999; 0:30AM EDT - DAY 49, UPDATE
1. China's Leader Raises Stakes in Kosovo "Peace Initiative"
2. No "Peace
Plans" Anymore, Please; Just a Straight
Aggression. Thank you.
3. Russians and Serbs: A Story of Love and Betrayal
4. A "Home-made" War Crimes Complaint Filed
5. All of Budapest Marched for Peace
6. "Windows '99" Launched in Serb Capital
1. China's Leader Raises Stakes in Kosovo
BEIJING, May 10 - Chinese President, Jiang Zemin, has placed a major obstacle in the
path of the Kosovo "peace initiative" being pursued by Russia's NWO quislings
and the world's leading industrial countries.
In his first public reaction to the NATO bombing of China's embassy in Yugoslavia last
Friday, Jiang said the UN Security Council could not discuss any peace plans for Kosovo
unless NATO first stopped its bombing campaign, the BBC World News reported today.
Jiang condemned the NATO action as "absolute gunboat policy." He added that,
"with the bombing continuing, it is impossible for the UN Security Council to discuss
any plan to solve the problem," he added.
Jiang's remarks came in a telephone conversation on Monday (May 10) with the Russian
President , Boris Yeltsin, who was sending his Balkans negotiator Viktor Chernomyrdin to
Beijing for urgent talks.
TiM Ed.: As usual, what the establishment western media report is only a part of the
story. And here's the part you may not have heard about....
Following his missions to Washington and Bonn, where Chernomyrdin earned the epithet of
the Serb Backstabber-in-Chief (see Special TiM GW Bulletins S99-69.
Day 45, Update 1, Item 1, May 7), this friend of Al Gore's, and traitor of Russia's
own interests in Chechnya, was supposed to travel to Belgrade to try to sell the Yugoslav
president, Slobodan Milosevic, on the bill of goods supposedly agreed to buy the Gee-Eight
Well, guess what... Right after the ceremonious (re)declaration of NATO unity in
Germany, Chernomyrdin instead flew straight to Moscow. For consultations on some urgent
matters to do with his back-stabbing of Serbia. Such as that Germany and Italy apparently
weren't going along (see "Ain't Gonna Do There," S99-66,
Day 43, Update 1, Item 1, May 5).
And now, Yeltsin is apparently sending his Backstabber-in-Chief to China, in the hopes
that Chernomyrdin can placate Beijing the way he was hoping to do it to the Serbs in
2. No "Peace Plans" Anymore, Please;
Just a Straight Aggression. Thank you.
MONTENEGRO, May 10 - Meanwhile, ordinary citizens of Yugoslavia are getting tired of
duplicitous "peace" proposals which only mean further propagations of war.
Here's a tongue-in-cheek letter which TiM received today from a reader in Montenegro, one
of two constituent states of Yugoslavia:
"There is one accord that I believe is acceptable for
Serbia to sign: Surrender. No 'peace plans any more, please! Just surrender agreements.
For, then we would all know the truth: The NATO troops are the invaders and conquerors who
attacked our state and devastated it, not the not 'peacekeepers.'
And since we were weak to resist; and since we had no allies, and
since so many many potential allies actually betrayed us...
This can be the only way I can explain to my children why there
are some foreign soldiers traipsing around our country as if it belongs to them.
The only other option is to fight against NATO until they quit.
Which may last a very long time. So be it. Just no 'peace plans' any more, please! Make it
a straight aggression. Thank you.
Keep up the good work, and God be with us."
3. Russians and Serbs: A Story of Love and
NEW YORK, May 10 -The western establishment media keep propagating stories about the
alleged "traditional friendship" between the
"fellow-Orthodox-Christian" countries - Russia and Serbia. Not only are such
claims ludicrous in light of Boris Yeltsin's betrayal of the Bosnian Serbs during that
country's civil war (see Special TiM GW Bulletin S99-69, Day 45,
Update 1, Item 1, May 7). But they are even more preposterous when considered in a
wider historical context.
Which is why TiM brings you an expert foreign policy paper on the Russo-Serbian
relations during the last two centuries. Since the person who wrote this essay is an
American working within the NWO establishment, she has opted to have it published under
the pseudonym - Tatiana Popova. Voila...
"NATOs bombing of Yugoslavia has once again raised
the complex question of Russias "loyalty" to the Serbs. Both nations share
an Eastern Orthodox religion, similar Slavic languages, and cultural ties. However,
relations between Russia and Serbia have historically been tested as Russia has struggled
to balance its role as "great power" with that of protector of its small, Slavic
Although the Russian PEOPLE have traditionally shown great
support and empathy for the plight of the Serbs during times of war, the Russian
GOVERNMENTS have consistently placed their own geopolitical interests over those of the
small Balkan nation.
If the average Russian was asked today what he thought of the
Serbs, he would likely reply that they are Russias "little brothers,"
fellow Orthodox Christians who have traditionally been allied culturally and politically
with Russia. But Prof. David MacKenzie eloquently sums it up in his book, "Serbia and
Russia" (East European Monographs, Boulder. New York: Columbia University Press,
'Historically, Russia has generally placed its own
interest as a great power ahead of Serbian ones. Nonetheless, the Serbs for almost three
centuries have regarded Russia as their older brother and protector. It has been an
unequal and sporadic partnership between a great power spanning one-sixth of the
earths surface and a small country caught in the Balkan maelstrom.'
Today we see scenes from Russia of angry protests against the
NATO bombings, as young Russians volunteer to go to Yugoslavia to aid the Serbs. These
scenes are reminiscent of the 19th century, when on more than one occasion the
Russian people had sent aid and soldiers volunteered to assist the Serbs in their struggle
to maintain independence in the face of encroaching empires. Yet public support for the
Serbs among Russians today is not necessarily enough to ensure Russian political and
military support, as Russian-Serbian relations in the 19th century illustrate.
During the period between the First Serbian Insurrection in
1804 and the Congress of Berlin in 1878, Serbia placed her fate on more than one occasion
in the hands of Russia, which often led to disappointment and feelings of betrayal
as Russia repeatedly placed its own interests vis-a-vis the great powers of Europe ahead
of those of Serbia.
In 1804, Serbs in Belgrade, led by Karadjordje, rose up
against their Ottoman overlords, who had ruled the Serb lands for over four centuries.
Initially, Russian Tsar Alexander I adopted a policy of non-intervention. However, as the
Serbs gained strength, it became difficult for Russia to remain neutral.
Russia was caught between public support for the Serbs, and
the governments desire to maintain good relations with the Ottoman Empire. Russia
began slowly to provide military advice and financial aid to the Serbs, in part as a
response to Russian public opinion in support of the Serbian cause, while trying to
conceal the extent of Russias aid to the Serbs from the Turks.
Russia was eventually drawn directly into the fight, as it
feared growing French intervention in the Balkans. The Russo-Turk war broke out in 1806,
but it was only after this formal Turk declaration of war that Russia formally aligned
militarily with the Serbs. During this same year, the Serbs had the opportunity to sign a
peace treaty with the Turks, but rejected it under Russian advice that a continued war
would lead to a Russian guarantee of Serbian independence.
During the next several years, Russian involvement in the
Turkish conflict vacillated between direct support for the Serbs and withdrawal from the
fighting, as it served Russias interests with regard to the balance of power in
Europe. In 1807 Russia signed a truce with the Turks, leaving the Serbs feeling betrayed.
Karadjordje, skeptical of Russias role, hesitated to
grant Russia a greater presence in Serbia if Russia could not be trusted to support the
Serbs in their time of need. Nevertheless, when war resumed between Russia and the Turks
in 1809, the Russians and Serbs again joined forces against the Turks until the summer of
Although many joint military victories were achieved during
this period, a growing portion of the Serbian leadership questioned Russias
commitment to the Serbs. As they predicted, Russia soon felt compelled to pull out of the
war, due to growing French aggression in Europe.
Later that year, Russia formally ended the war with Turkey,
essentially returning the Serb lands, under self-rule, to the Ottoman Empire. In the eyes
of the Serbs, a truly independent Serbia could not exist without a Russian protectorate
status, which was not granted. In 1813, the Turks invaded Serbia, and Ottoman rule was
This period in Serbian history is illustrative of the
Serbs feelings of betrayal by Russia as the Russian government choose to place its
interests as a European power ahead of its desire to be a protector and ally of Orthodox
The Serbs made repeated appeals to Russia during this period,
stressing the religious, linguistic, and cultural ties the two peoples shared.
Nevertheless, the political aims of the Russian government took precedence over any
cultural affinity or sympathies that existed among the Russian people toward the
Serbs flight for independence. The words of V. Chichagov, the commandeer of the
Danube Russian Army in 1812, which aided the Serbs during this period, illustrate
Russias predicament (see "Seventy Years of Panslavisam in Russia: Karazin to
Danilevsky, 1800-1876, Washington, DC; Georgetown University Press):
"I have had great difficulty in calming the poor
Serbians, they are truly one of the best nations I know; they are ready to die for their
nevertheless I think I have managed to convince them of the need to
dissimulate with the Turks for the moment, that we shall return as soon as
that everything depends on the salvation of Russia
I have secretly
wheedled them with arms and munitions. I still hope to preserve their confidence in
The 19th century is known for the Slavophile, and
later the Panslavic movements, which brought Russian intellectuals in closer contact with
the Serbs and other Slavs. During the next decades, these intellectual movements grew
within Russia, stressing the importance of Slavic unity, particularly among Orthodox
Many of the intellectuals lobbied the Russian government in
support of closer ties between Russia and Serbia.
Slavic Benevolent Societies were formed in Moscow and other
large cities, to promote cultural and educational exchanges between Russia and other
Slavic peoples. These groups acted independently out of their own good will, and did not
receive Russian government aid or political pressure to continue their activities.
As many of the Panslavic intellectuals discussed
Russias "duties toward her brothers by blood and faith," historian M.P.
Pogodin was careful to remind his colleagues that many of the Slavs had been embittered by
Russias prior "indifference" to their fate.
The Panslavic movement grew stronger following Russias
defeat in the Crimean War in 1856, as a militarily weakened Russia sought to redefine
herself and her role in Europe. In 1860, a group of Russian Panslavists signed an
"Epistle from Moscow to the Serbs," in which they advised the Serbs to re-orient
themselves toward Russia. In 1867 a Serb delegation was welcomed at the Moscow Slav
Congress, where Panslavists F. I. Tyutchev announced,
'Welcome, you are at home. In Russia every Slav is at
home, more often than in his own country where he is often ruled by a foreigner. But we
have never ceased to be one nation, sons of one mother. But as you will never desert
Russia, Russia will never desert you.'
Such declarations of Russian loyalty were tested during the
"Eastern Crisis" of the 1875-1878. The crisis began in 1875, as Serbian peasants
in the Ottoman provinces of Bosnia and Hercegovina revolted against their Moslem
landlords. What began as a small uprising grew into a conflict that inflamed the Balkans,
and once again drew the great powers of Europe into the region. The events of these three
years brought Russian official policy into conflict with Russian public opinion, as the
Russian government tried to balance its interest in maintaining its relations with the
European powers with domestic public support for the Serbian cause.
Despite Russias warnings that it would not support
Serbia in the event of a war with Turkey, war broke out between Serbia and Turkey in 1876.
During this period, Panslavic groups throughout Russia gathered aid for the insurgents and
organized informal military support.
At this same time, the Russian government was in negotiations
with Austria, over the fate of the Balkans. Russia was able to secure Austrian neutrality
in the event of a Russo-Turkish war, in exchange for granting Austria the right to
occupation and annexation of Bosnia and Hercegovina.
After securing a deal with Austria, Russia went to war with
Turkey. Serbia and Montenegro, hoping that a Russian victory would ensure independence for
Bosnia and Hercegovina, joined the Russians in their fight against the Turks. However,
under the peace agreement signed at San Stefano in 1878, following a Russian victory, the
end result was the creation of an independent Bulgaria.
In 1878, the European powers gathered in Berlin to decide the
fate of the Balkans, noticeably without representation from any of the small Balkan
nations whose futures were to be determined.
At the Congress, Austria was granted the right to occupy
Bosnia and Hercegovina. The Serbs felt deeply betrayed by Russia, feeling that Russia had
placed its own interests in securing an independent Bulgaria ahead of any notions of unity
with the Serbia and concern for the plight of Bosnia and Hercegovina. The Serbs learned
quickly that the agreement concluded in Berlin was designed to serve the interests of the
great powers, including Russia, rather than those of the insurgents and small Slavic
During the Eastern Crisis, the Russian people were very
sympathetic to the plight of the insurgents. Slavic Benevolent Committees raised donations
and gathered arms and munitions to supply the Serbian army. Many Russians volunteered to
fight with the Serbs, out of genuine feelings of solidarity. Yet as during the Fist
Serbian Insurrection, Russia put its own geopolitical interests ahead of any notions of
In summary, it is undeniable that the Russian public
sympathized with and went to great lengths to support the Serbs, for unselfish reasons.
But, the Russian government betrayed this cause. Following the war, one Serbian poet,
Jovan Jovanovic-Zmaj, reflected on Serbias disappointment in the policies of the
And it was finished in an unjust manner
And signed with a golden feather
And celebrated with a lordly feast
And the Serbian disaster was proclaimed as peace
And he who was close to you
Shouts now since he predicted
That you do not care for the brother or sun
That you will not bring salvation
Tatiana Popova, New York
4. A "Home-made" War Crimes Complaint
PHOENIX, May 10 - So you think you're powerless? So you think there is nothing your can
do to reverse the hijacking of the U.S. government by the New World Order thugs?
Wrong! Here's, for example, a step which this writer, your TiM editor, took today. He
charged PERSONALLY the 68 NATO leaders with war crimes in a filing with the UN War Crimes
Tribunal at the Hague, Netherlands.
You can do the same thing. You have the same right to charge the NATO leaders with
crimes against humanity as TiM has just done. Feel free to modify our complaint to suit
your own purposes. And then let the UN War Crimes Tribunal know how you feel about the
crimes which the people who had created the Tribunal are committing:
FROM PHOENIX, ARIZONA
May 10, 1999
TO: Madame Louise Arbour
INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR FORMER YUGOSLAVIA
P.O. Box 13888
2501 EW The Hague
I hereby charge with war crimes, including mass murder of
innocent civilians and property destruction in Yugoslavia, all political leaders of the
NATO countries and the senior military commanders of the NATO alliance individually and
corporately, under Section 18(1) of the Statute which governs the work of your Office
I hereby ask you, under the terms of that Statute, both to
prosecute and to legally restrain them from further committing such murderous acts by
issuing an immediate injunction, prior to judgement being rendered on this complaint.
A partial list of individuals charged with committing the
heinous war crimes against humanity is enclosed below.
Since I have family in Yugoslavia who are suffering under
NATO's bombardment and whose lives are in danger because of it, and since I have spent
myself a period of time there under NATO's bombs, I have a legal standing in filing this
complaint. Nevertheless, feel free to join this complaint with that filed by Professor
Michael Mandel, Professor W. Neil Brooks, Professor Judith A. Fudge, Professor H. J.
Glasbeek, Professor Reuben A. Hasson and Sil Salvaterra, Barrister and Solicitor, - all of
Osgoode Hall Law School, York University, Toronto, Ontario, Canada M3J 1P3 - and other
individuals named in their complaint.
I would appreciate receiving your acknowledgement and
response. Thank you.
Bob Djurdjevic, Founder
Truth in Media
Phoenix, Arizona, USA
A partial list of NATO leaders charged with war crimes:
William J. Clinton, Al Gore, Samuel Berger, Madeleine
Albright, William S. Cohen, George Tenet, Tony Blair, Robin Cook, George Robertson, Javier
Solana, Jamie Shea, Wesley K. Clark, Harold W. German, Konrad Freytag. D.J.G. Wilby,
Fabrizio Maltinti, Giuseppe Marani, Daniel P. Leaf, Jean Chrétien, Lloyd Axworthy, Arthur
Eggleton, Jean-Luc Dehaene, E. Derycke, J.-P. Poncelet, Vaclav Havel, J. Kavan, V. Vetchy,
Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, N.H. Petersen, H. Haekkerup, Jacques Chirac, Lionel Jospin, H.
Védrine, Alain Richard, Gerhard Schröder, J. Fischer, R. Scharping, Kostas Simitis, G.
Papandreou, A. Tsohatzopoulos, Viktor Orban, J. Martonyi, J. Szabo, David Oddsson, H.
Asgrimsson, G. Palsson, Massimo D'Alema, L. Dini, C. Scognamiglio, Jean-Claude Juncker, J.
Poos, Alex Bodry, Willem Kok, J. van Aartsen, F.H.G. de Grave, Kjell Magne Bondevik, K.
Vollebæk, D.J. Fjærvoll, Jerzy Buzek, B. Geremek, J. Onyszkiewicz, Antonio Manuel de
Oliveira Guterres, J.J. Matos da Gama, V. Simão, Jose Maria Aznar, A. Matutes, E. Serra
Rexach, Bulent Ecevit, I. Cem and H. S. Turk.
5. All of Budapest Marched for Peace
BUDAPEST, May 9 - One of the three newest NATO countries, Hungary, has just turned
NATO's war on its ear. Here's a report which TiM has just received from a correspondent in
"We have just returned from the Peace March with my
family (wife and two children). I think the whole of Budapest was in the streets to ask
for an immediate stoppage of the war.
We started from the Place of Heroes, just next to the Yugoslav
Embassy, we passed by the US Embassy. and the march ended on Kossuth Square, in front of
the Hungarian Parliament.
No offensive signs were allowed. There were a few signs, like
"Yankee go home," but these were immediately removed by the organizers.
TiM Ed.: The "thought police" of the NWO/NATO?
The majority of signs were 'Stop Milo, stop NATO,' and 'Peace for
the Balkans.' There were participants from Greece, England and France (at least these were
the languages I heard). The Greeks even brought their national flag. I am too tired now to
write you more about it, but I can tell you it was the largest rally in decades in
The next march will be on May 15, it will start from Szeged at
noon, and it will be called 'Peace, bread, water and salt march from Hungary into
Yugoslavia.' The march will cross into Yugoslavia. All the best is wishing you from
6. Windows '99 Launched in Serb Capital
BELGRADE, May 10 - The Windows '99 has been first launched in Belgrade, Serbia. This,
despite the six weeks of NATO bombings, and the outrage expressed by the Microsoft's top
officials about the Serbs' alleged infractions of Microsofts intellectual rights.
"They are all taping their windows with illegal 'X' (jack) signs," the
Microsoft chairman railed.
True. Serb citizens are having to tape their windows to prevent them from
shattering when NATO comes calling with another of its "humanitarian missions."
As a Belgrade TiM reader put it, writing tongue-in-cheek, Windows '99 was, therefore,
first launched in Belgrade.
Also, check out... Truth in Media Statement on Kosovo Crisis, "Wither
Dayton, Sprout New War?", "On the Brink of Madness", "Tragic Deja Vu's," "Seven U.S. Senators Suggest Ouster of
Milosevic", "Biting the Hand That Feeds You", "A Balkan Affairs
Potpourri", "Put the U.N. Justice on Trial", "International Justice
'Progresses' from Kidnapping to Murder", "Milosevic: 'A Riddle Wrapped in a
Mystery'...", "Kosovo Lie Allowed
to Stand", "New World Order's
Inquisition in Bosnia", "Kosovo
Heating Up", "Decani
Monastery Under Siege?", "Murder
on Wall Street", "Kosovo:
'Bosnia II', Serbia's Aztlan", "What If the Shoe Were on the Other Foot?",
Interstate - Not Worth American Lives", "An American Hero or Actor of the
Year?" (A June '95 TiM story) and/or "Clinton arme secrètement les
Or Djurdjevic's WASHINGTON TIMES columns: "Chinese
Dragon Wagging Macedonian Tail," "An Ugly Double Standard in Kosovo Conflict?", "NATO's
Bullyboys", "Kosovo: Why Are We Involved?", and "Ginning
Up Another Crisis"
Or Djurdjevic's NEW DAWN magazine columns: "Washington's
Crisis Factory," and "A New Iron Curtain Over Europe"